First, I would like to express my thanks to the administration of the Issam Fares Center for Lebanon for this generous invitation to discuss one of the most important experiences we have witnessed, but which had remained away from the media spotlight, away from the spirit of polarization, sectarianism, and instinctive behavior that have been prevailing in the country for more than eight years, that is the experience of President Issam Fares during the ten years he spent in the Lebanese politics and in the management of the state affairs and governance.
Of course, it is to focus initially on the fact that Issam Fares represents a unique phenomenon in the Lebanese politics, especially in the post-Taef era: he enjoyed impartiality at its highest level and a high integrity that could not be tolerated by the political categories who are embroiled in the quota game and in venturing the fate of the country in the conflicts of influence and roles.
He entered the political arena among a group formed by 'regional powers' or dominated by the 'regional texture' at a time when he did not need regional king-makers. Fares himself was a king in his deep concern for the citizen and his obsession to crown with success the building of the Lebanese State. His main concern was to make states not to make kings and demigods. Therefore, with all his capabilities and expertise, he did not rank himself, alike his colleagues in the presidencies and ministries, within the ranks of the demigods above the law and accountability, and certainly above the people and their ambitions. He did not work to assume a special position, or to build a feudal or militia leadership. He did not accept the post-Taef rules and the confrontation decision. Away from chaos and emotionality, he decided to opt for a quiet and productive work for the introduction of new rules and the achievement of a gradual development in the state structure, or in other terms, in the political performance, and in the institutions and administrations.
We should bear in mind that Issam Fares entered the parliamentary forum at the peak of the so-called Christian frustration, due to the atmosphere of isolation, provocation, and the decaying implementation of the Taef Agreement and the decaying principles of co-existence that accompanied the dominance of the regional influence policies on the internal arena.
But Issam Fares was relying on a basic principle that there will be no surrender to the reality and no yielding to frustration, and no acceptance that the crisis could be bigger than the political responsibility, or politics to be bigger than Lebanon. War against the status quo and against frustration was staged by Fares on many fronts and many levels, primarily through his insistence to activate the work of the institutions, because a comprehensive and a unifying national decision cannot be reached if it emanates from individuals; the decision should rather be in the hands of the institutions, and these institutions should be freed from dependence upon the personal or presidential or factional interests.
Fares witnessed the era when the constitutional institutions were personified and when factions took control of the administration and its institutions. He revolted against them, proposing reforming programs for the development of these institutions, whether the Presidency, or the House of Parliament, or the Council of Ministers. More importantly, he enjoyed high credibility and was never populist or a vendor of illusions or a promoter of void slogans. I almost say that his credibility does not only stem from his behavior- which is similar to the behavior of the Knights of Europe in the Renaissance era, but also from the fact that Fares is the only one among his peers or among a few people to have really carried out the slogan that he does not want something, but has rather dreams for his nation.
All politicians who are contemporary to Issam Fares brandished slogans that they do not have personal aspirations and that they rather seek to introduce reforms and realize progress, and they ended up by wanting everything for themselves on the detriment of the State and the reforms, and they reached the limits of crime in its various forms, in defense of their privileges and positions. However, Fares proved, through many examples, that he aspired at realizing achievements the Lebanese people deserved after having endured the effects of the civil war and the devastation caused by the militias and the repeated Israeli aggression, which was completing the destruction of the facilities of the State and its humanitarian fabric. More importantly, a key and distinguished characteristic marked the confrontation style adopted by His Excellency in the Lebanese politics. Indeed, at a time when the leaderships and presidencies were surrounded by protégé and subservient people and worked on hitting the principle of efficiency in the Lebanese society to be replaced by servitude and allegiance, His Excellency formed a remarkable working team that regroups people of expertise, experience and talent. He who has witnessed Fares' experience or approached him, has felt the presence of this distinguished team and these talents which he did not use for his personal service or to build up his image or influence, but rather for the state institutions to take advantage from them and to serve the progress and well-being of the Lebanese society.
We should not forget or go beyond the fact that the most difficult and harshest problem faced by Issam Fares and his team is the acute conflict and deep crisis between a mounting security system that considers itself the sole bearer of truth and righteousness, and in this capacity, works on the cancellation and exclusion of all others, armed for being the of 'facade' of the regional tutelage, and the loyal servant of their interests, especially that this tutelage was in the process of transition from a state to another, and from a governor to another, and requires the utmost loyalty, devotion, and dedication in its service.
On another hand, the reconstruction project of martyr Premier Rafik Hariri saw the light, and this project could not be completed and finalized without putting Lebanon on the Arab and international map by adopting policies that could not be tolerated by the tutelage because these policies start to deepen democracy and do not end up until realizing the independence of the national decision and saving the institutions from dependence. The reconstruction project cannot be crowned with success without these conditions, and this is what Issam Fares realized and determined its role, and it was the most difficult role or the most difficult project.
On one hand, Fares attempted to curb the impulsiveness of the security system in its exclusionary and teleological efforts and in its bid to replace the state of law and institutions with the state of apparatuses and eavesdropping. On another hand, Fares strenuously endeavored to raise the standards of the reconstruction project and he largely succeeded in accomplishing both tasks. This success can be witnessed in the openness and dialogue policies he adopted, as he really represented as a point of convergence and national union and earned a respect that enabled him to impose his moderation and vision on all parties.
As for the follow-up of the work of the ministerial committees he chaired and organized- which have exceeded 70 committees- it demonstrates Fares' endeavors for the support of the reconstruction project of Premier Hariri to a great extent, nevertheless by raising the standards, eliminating the gaps, and investing this project in the service of a balanced development in the most disadvantaged regions and the most underprivileged social groups. Throughout these committees, Fares also worked on reducing the dominance of the security mentality and the control over the state and its utilities.
When Issam Fares did not manage to reach a real solution to the clash between the security system and the reconstruction project, and when he noticed the exacerbation of the tutelage and its tools in sabotaging the institutions and demolishing the state components, and when this outrageous and abusive era ended with the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, and the assassination of the hopes and big ambitions of Lebanon the message, Issam Fares left Lebanon. Maybe he wanted to quit the Lebanese politics or not to remain in direct contact with these politicians who, throughout years, have led the country alike a ship of fools is driven, or in other terms, he did not want to be distracted away from the project by the trivialities.
A lot can be told about His Excellency's experience, and we should refer back to his book titled 'Issam Fares and the Ministerial Committees' which sheds light on vivid and key aspects of this experience, and which emphasizes an essential fact that prerogatives are not tantamount to texts bur rather roles.
He who enjoys both the experience and capability and devotes himself and his efforts for the effective contribution in the progress of his national cause will meet with success. We joined Issam Fares in his attempts to disassociate the prerogatives from sects, creeds and instincts, and maybe the circumstances of that stage did not allow us to realize success, and texts did not stipulate the position of Deputy Premier. Nevertheless, His Excellency did not await the reforms but rather undertook the most important adventure through the committees and the achievements he realized in this arena. This adventure was a compensation of the work of the Cabinet which was pompous and inexperienced, dominated by sectarianism, as well as personal and confessional interests. The Cabinet was tantamount to a group of fiefdoms prevailed by loyal allegiance and incompetence. So, the ministerial committees represented a serious and successful attempt to provide solutions and present national projects that represent the state interests and that are based on scientific criteria and on the experiences of the developed countries His Excellency experienced with his team.
This book is a journey with this adventure, in details and aspects combined altogether by the author Manaf Mansour in the accurateness of perseverance. You feel he has experienced this journey and accompanied Fares in all its stages. This is an important work that has refreshed my memory and revived the hope that Lebanon, no matter how much his conditions deteriorate or his ranks are disunited, it enjoys men who protect him, like Issam Fares.
Now, what do we profit from this experience and from the book for the coming future? Do you accept that Lebanon's energies and great figures remain overseas at a time when the crisis is ravaging us and our state? We call upon His Excellency to be a pioneer in exploiting the experience of the committees in four national workshops that we do need today in the peak of our national and political crisis.
First: the Christian role in the protection of Lebanon and the Lebanese State. The master of the experience can plays an important role in the reformulation of the Christian role and its long-term vision, and more importantly, the preservation of Lebanon the message and co-existence, and the separation of co-existence from the political conflicts and the conflicts related to doctrinal and sectarian influence. Second: Setting various frames to absorb the Shiite - Sunni conflict in Lebanon and the region which is threatening to dismantle Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq. We are aware that the depth of the crisis is regional, but we can establish dialogue circles, on the pattern of the ministerial committees, with each tackling one of the core files, to convert it from a controversial topic to be a consensual topic according to the same standards created by Issam Fares in dealing with the committees.
Third: Lebanon is in need of a revolution in legislation. One could certainly benefit from the experience of the ministerial committees to reformulate all legislations in Lebanon, especially after the drastic failure of the experience of the Constitutional Council which was born disfigured, with distorted prerogatives, and a terrible sectarian political tutelage.
Some of us might think of Issam Fares as the head of a constitutional council that would lead Lebanon to a radical updating of its legislation, or perhaps more realistically think of Issam Fares as the vice-President of the House of Parliament, leading a big workshop in permanently chairing joint committees to update all of Lebanon's legislations, witnessing the rebirth of its mandate, on the basis of new legislation to hold the officials in all positions accountable for squandering and corruption, or in other terms, enacting legislations that are stronger than sects, bringing to a halt the assault on sects and the sectarian leaderships over the state and the citizen.
Fourth: Realizing the development of the Taef Agreement and laying the foundations for a future national construction in the era of the revolutions of globalization and youth integrated in the world of knowledge, technologies, and means of communication and its permanent revolution. We do not find a better experience than that of Issam Fares in launching a serious process for a quiet development of the Constitution based on the principle of expanding the rights and the principles of equality, justice and universal application integrated with the terms of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided for in the Constitution, which lies under negligence since 1991, while the Lebanese youth revolts, demanding new formulas that meet his hopes and ambitions.
Your Excellency, a big role awaits your return, and you are the essence of your love for Lebanon and its citizens, mainly its underprivileged categories. A great number of Lebanese are pinning high hopes on your distinguished, successful experience and on your achievements which they do not want to vanish or retract.
I personally tell the Lebanese in general, the Christians in particular, to be attached to Issam Fares, to his experience and capabilities, and not to be dragged after the instincts and the intimidation and delusion campaigns, and not to behave like some citizens of the Shiite community who had forgotten, both physically and nationally, their Imam Musa Sadr, and followed interests that neither serve Lebanon nor their patriotism.